China, the world's most populous country will elect a new
leader on Thursday. President Hu has stepped down as the general secretary of
the Communist Party and 59 year old Xi Jinping is set to become the new leader.
At a ceremony in Beijing's Great Hall of the People,
President Hu made the last few procedural steps in passing the responsibility
of governing to a new generation of leaders. Xi Jinping will be unveiled as the
party's new general secretary at another ceremony on Thursday and will formally
take over as Chinese president in March.
How Chinese leaders are chosen
Electing a leader in China is different from how it is done
in many other parts of the world. This how leaders are chosen in China...
The Chinese government is a one-party system run by the
Chinese Communist Party. China has a president and a premier/ prime minister.
Outgoing president Hu Jintao, has been the country’s head of
state and “paramount leader" and outgoing premier Wen Jiabao, has been the
chief administrator, overseeing the day-to-day operations of the nation.
The party's 80 million members represent just 6% of the
country's population, and it is they who have some say over who in their
community rises up each of the thousands of different party organisations.
Every ten years the Chinese leaders call a meeting to elect
a new group of leaders from within the country's only party, the Communist
Party. The old ones step down while a younger group is elected.
The election is carried out only by a selected group of
leaders. Although, China has a population of 1.3 billion, they are not all
allowed to choose the overall leaders. After a series of regional elections,
only a selection of leaders will continue to vote until the country's leaders
are chosen. How can over a billion people agree to this type of election, I can
hear you ask? Well, the Chinese people
have no choice but to put their trust in these leaders to vote the best group
of leading leaders into power.
With this type of
pyramid effect election, fewer and fewer people endorse those who will
sit above them. Today, with due process, 2,000 senior delegates of the central
committee chose the 200 Politburo - Central Committee members, who will have a
chance to lead above them.
From that 200, twenty-six will be selected and, in turn,
from the Politburo's Standing Committee of just seven which consists of China's
most powerful men will be voted into power.
The new leadership team, called the Fifth Generation will be
announced at the ceremony on Thursday. The job of the group is to rule 1.3
billion people for the next ten years and to ensure Communist continuity, five
generations after the revolution which brought Chairman Mao to power.
Historical background
After Mao Zedong's long 41-year rule over China (1935- 1976),
the party leadership took steps to impose a term limit for the country’s
highest office. It was during Deng Xiaoping’s tenure as paramount leader
(1978-1992) that the presidency was capped at two five-year terms.
Every five years, the party holds a congress that sets the policy
agenda until the next congress. In addition to electing a new president and
premier, the 18th congress will determine the make-up of the party’s central
committee (currently 371 members), the Politburo (25 members) and the
Politburo’s standing committee (nine members), which comprises the most
powerful people in China.
How candidates are groomed
The rise to power involves a lengthy apprenticeship and
anyone who aspires to hold the highest office in China must first become a
delegate at the party’s national congress.
Most of the approximately 2,000 delegates are elected at the
various rungs of government, from the township level up to county, city and
prefecture. These elections take place in between party congresses, and are
voted on by the approximately 70 million official members of the Chinese
Communist Party.
Leadership candidates are groomed for decades. In order to
expand their knowledge and to give them a breadth of managerial experience,
candidates are assigned to a variety of administrative positions and locales
across this country of 1.3 billion people.
But a candidate’s rise to power depends as much on making
alliances within the party as building an impressive portfolio. During their
apprenticeship, candidates develop not only their administrative skills but a
base of support within the party that could help them achieve a future
leadership role.
The final step prior to making the highest office is serving
on the Politburo Standing Committee (PSC), the most powerful group in the
country.
‘The successor’s dilemma’
In lieu of democratic elections, leadership change in China
involves an elaborate succession plan.
Because it is an autocratic state that puts a great emphasis
on honour, the country has had to contend with “the successor’s dilemma,” says
Yongjing Zhang, a professor in the Graduate School of Public and International
Affairs at the University of Ottawa.
Zhang says that if the presumptive successor is seen as too
aggressive or self-aggrandizing, he could “threaten the ruling base of the
current leader.” He points to Lin Biao, who died in a mysterious plane crash in
1971 after what appears to have been a thwarted attempt to topple Mao Zedong
(through assassination).
Inversely, “If the successor is too weak when he assumes
power, then he won’t be able to maintain his power stably,” says Zhang, citing
the case of Hua Guofeng, who was handpicked by Mao to succeed him in 1976, but
was largely seen as ineffectual and was ousted in 1981.
Since the 1980s, the party has made an effort to avoid
volatile candidates by aiming for consensus when choosing the next leader.
The role of honour
Integrity and outward appearances are important
considerations in the nomination of a Chinese presidential candidate. In the
run-up to the leadership vote, the nominal candidates are expected to avoid
controversy of any kind, which is why the Bo Xilai affair has been so
scandalous.
A former party chief in Chongqing who was once tipped for
the top job, Bo was disgraced this year after becoming implicated in the death
of British businessman Neil Heywood (and a subsequent cover-up).
Bo was expelled from the party in September after being
accused of abuse of power and taking bribes. His wife received a suspended
death sentence for the murder.
Zhang says that honour and not giving offense to the older
generation are important principles in Chinese culture, and the leadership
process reflects that.
“When [then-president] Jiang Zemin introduced [current
president] Hu Jintao to the press in 1992, he said, ‘This is a young man,’ not
‘This is the young man,’ in the standing committee of the Politburo,” Zhang
points out.
By hinting publicly at the identity of his successor, Jiang
would have risked affronting other members of the party elite, says Zhang.
Playing coy
By the same token, while media speculation has focused on Xi
Jinping as the country’s next president, none of the current party leaders have
publicly confirmed that.
Given the party elite’s reluctance to announce the next
leader prematurely, China watchers have come to read the signals.
Juan Wang, a political science professor at the McGill
University, says Xi’s growing visibility in high-profile domestic and
international meetings is a hint that he is likely to be the next leader.
She says there are even subtler signs.
“When you see in the news the person who walks [into a room]
first, that’s a sign of the ranking of the people. So you start to get a signal
that he’s going to be the next leader,” says Wang.
Wang adds that there are different factions among the
members of the party elite based on family ties, the offices they served or the
region they’re from.
But when it comes to announcing the new leader and the new
political agenda, the party must present a united front.
“Regardless of these factions, what happens in the end,
there has to be a consensus, a publicized consensus,” Wang says.
“Nobody dares to have a different voice in public.”
Is this system good for your country or not?
Extracts from CBC News
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